Case Number 2023-025
It has been nearly 2 years since Joseph Rossi and Kevin Moncla sent an official complaint to the State Election Board, revealing Fulton County had “no physical ballots” for the votes it added to the recount. In all, Rossi, a retired PepsiCo executive and chemical engineer, and Moncla, an independent investigative journalist, discovered there were at least 42,000 votes in the certified count of the 2020 Presidential Election that have no actual paper trail, including duplicate votes, and over 20,000 from tabulators that “do not exist.”
Rossi and Moncla are emblematic of the countless patriots who have dedicated their lives since November 2020 to getting transparency and accountability to America’s voting systems. That transparency and accountability is sorely lacking in Georgia, and in Fulton County, in particular. Election after election, Georgia certifies and re-certifies results that are tangential to reality. Close races turn into unbelievable landslides, and landslides turn into unbelievably close results. Outcomes are flipped, and only discovered if you’re lucky enough to get a real hand count. Years after the fact, it might come out that Fulton County’s results were “incomplete,” or they will cop to a consent order (the underlying facts of which reveals they counted at least 4,081 false votes for Joe Biden), and agree to “implement written policies” and “train all of its election staff.” But nothing ever changes. The results are whatever they say they are, regardless of the facts and evidence.
The evidence shows President Trump won Georgia. That was a problem for the powers that be, so the count was dragged out, and results were exchanged in order to create margins necessary for Biden to overcome a landslide defeat. When by 5 p.m. on Election Day in Atlanta only 14,152 people had showed up to vote, they knew they had a problem. That’s the turnout equivalent of filling a dozen circles at a campaign rally. They were not going to have the votes to overcome President Trump’s massive lead, even with their drop box stuffing on the front end, and their “QR Code mismatch” error, skimming rural Republican votes off the top. This is why there are no ballot images for in-person voting in Fulton County. This is why they kept scanning late at night after observers had left, “so the number would go up.” This is why none of the early in-person votes were witnessed to and signed, why their machine seals were broken, the memory cards swapped out, and their “results” were printed on different tabulators. This is why the records they do have show 4,000 absentee ballots were scanned at the exact same time. This is why after three counts, they ended up with three different results. And this is why the last two, both the hand count audit and the certified second machine count, had to rely on thousands of duplicate votes in order to try to replicate their first bogus result.
Rossi and Moncla’s complaint makes this obvious. The State Election Board assigned case number SEB2023-025 to the complaint in April 2023. After slow-walking the investigation for months, it was finally set to be heard on December 19, when at the eleventh hour it was pulled from the Board meeting’s agenda. Raffensperger’s general counsel took the investigation over, and five months later, the Secretary of State’s office was finally ready to unveil its cover up.
‘It Did Not Come Up With the Same Number…’
Results of the second machine count were due by midnight on Dec. 2, 2020. Fulton County announced it had completed the recount at 12:52 a.m. But they didn’t have enough ballots. Twelve hours later, Barron was sending the insufficient totals to someone who was not an employee of Fulton County, the Secretary of State, or any office in the state of Georgia. Instead, he was sending the results, which came nowhere close to matching the original count, to the “Elections Group,” a shadowy outfit that showed up in 2020 in very select places that happened to be the most important election offices in the country.
By 11:15 p.m. the next evening, the news media was reporting there were “about 3,200 votes outstanding” in Fulton County, a number eerily close to the 3,125 duplicates that would end up in the final count. The Batches Loaded Report — which contains the actual results as recorded as the votes are scanned — from the same day showed a 17,234 ballot shortfall. The media was checking the results on the Secretary of State’s website, which hadn’t been “updated since earlier in the evening.” But where were these numbers coming from, if not the Batches Loaded Report, which is what Dominion uses to total the results, and shows when they were loaded into the server? Perhaps it was a second Batches Loaded Report, obtained by Moncla via a public records request for the Recount Batches Loaded Report, that showed Fulton County had managed to add over 16,000 votes to the total, but yielded yet a different result, at 527,741 votes, than the 511,543 of the first report, and the 527,925 Fulton County ultimately certified. As Dr. Johnston said, “I would think that the third count…that took those very same ballots, and ran them through the big [ImageCast Central] ICC fast scanners, should have come up with the same number, and it did not come up with the same number.”
This second Batches Loaded Report shows 13,000 early in-person votes were scanned between 10 p.m. and midnight on Dec. 2. But that’s impossible, according to the Batches Loaded Report Barron sent to Macias. Those votes were not there, and it was processed at 12:06 p.m. on Dec. 3, after those votes were supposedly scanned. Someone was fudging the numbers.
‘I didn’t go that far with this.’