Its a damn shame because it is geographically some of the most beautiful parts of this country. Its just that more than half of its people are worthless parasites.
and their king moved to Arizona to help flip that state blue.
Its a damn shame because it is geographically some of the most beautiful parts of this country. Its just that more than half of its people are worthless parasites.
No big deal, just 200K more votes than voters confirmed in PA.
No big deal, just 200K more votes than voters confirmed in PA.
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Because I'm 4 beers into a six pack (on vaca this week)....clarify more ballots than votes counted? What does that actually mean? Are they saying more votes than registered voters?
yes, more votes than people who voted.
And yet they certified the results. Unbelievable.
Concerns over fraud with absentee ballots is not something limited to Republicans in the United States. Indeed, many European countries have voting rules stricter to prevent fraud than what we have in the United States.1For example, 74% entirely ban absentee voting for citizens who live in their country. Another 6% allow it, but have very restrictive rules, such as limiting it to those in the military or are in a hospital, and they require evidence that those conditions are met. Another 15% allow absentee ballots but require that one has to present a photo voter ID to acquire it. Thirty-five percent of European countries completely ban absentee ballots for even those living outside their country. The pattern is similar for developed countries.
If election workers counted absentee ballots when Republican observers were not present, is there statistical evidence of bias in the absentee ballot counting? While in-person voting took place at the precinct level, absentee vote counting took place at one common facility at the county level. If the type of fraud that Mr. Shafer worries about occurred, it would have only affected the absentee ballots in Fulton County.To examine that, I looked at precinct-level data for Fulton County and the four Republican counties that border it and no fraud has been alleged: Carroll, Cherokee, Coweta, and Forsyth.11The idea is a simple one: compare Trump’s share of absentee ballots in precincts adjacent to each other on opposite sides of a county border. The comparison is made between precincts in Fulton and these four other counties as well as between precincts in these four counties where they are adjacent each other. Comparing a county were fraud is alleged to ones without alleged fraud is simpler than comparing counties where there might be hard-to-specify varying degrees of fraud.
Precincts adjacent to each other on opposite sides of a county border should be relatively similar demographically. In one case, Fulton County precinct ML02A matches up with four different precincts in Cherokee County (Mountain Road 28, Avery 3, Union Hill 38 and a small portion of Freehome 18).12The goal is to compare the precincts of Fulton county that are most similar to precincts nearby counties that had no allegations of fraud, in order to isolate the impact of Fulton county’s vote-counting process (including potential fraud). The analysis also accounts for the percent of in-person votes that went for Trump, because if you have two adjacent precincts and they are similar in terms of their demographics and in-person voting, one would expect them to also be roughly similar in terms of their absentee ballots.While Democrats were pushing their voters to vote by absentee ballot, there is no reason to expect that rate to differ between two precincts that are next to each other and are similar in terms of their in-person voting support and their demographics. I did this test using the data from both 2016 and 2020. There were no serious accusations of fraud with respect to absentee ballots in 2016, so one should expect the absentee ballot percent for Trump in precincts in Fulton county to behave no differently than the adjacent precincts in Carroll, Cherokee, Coweta, and Forsyth.The results in Table 1 show that in 2016, there was indeed essentially no difference (less than 1 percentage point) between Trump’s share of absentee ballots cast in Fulton and other counties.13Trump’s share of absentee ballots also matched up closely with his share of in-person votes across the precincts, no matter which county they lay in.
However, redoing the same test for 2020 shows something quite different (see Table 2). Trump’s percentage of absentee votes was now lower in Fulton county border precincts than in the precincts just across the street in neighboring counties. Trump’s share was 7.19 percentage points lower on the Fulton county side, and the difference was also statistically significant at the 7% level for a two-tailed t-test.This is not likely to have been caused by the general shift to absentee voting among Democrats, because the study controlled for in-person voting. In layman’s terms, in precincts with alleged fraud, Trump’s proportion of absentee votes was depressed – even when such precincts had similar in-person Trump vote shares to their surrounding countries.
The fact that the shift happens only in absentee ballots, and when a country line is crossed, is suspicious. In the first two tables,if the estimate for the “Difference in Trump’s percent of the two-candidate in-person vote” between the two adjacent precincts equals 1, it means that the differences in the percent of the in-person vote Trump received in the adjacent precincts would perfectly track the difference in the absentee ballots. In the estimate for 2016, the coefficient of 0.87 is not statistically different from 1. But for the 2020 data, Trump’s share of in-person votes did not line up as closely with the differences in absentee ballots, as can be seen in the reduced coefficient of the control variable for Trump’s share of in-person votes. Indeed, the coefficient for 2020 (at .5738) is statistically significantly less than 1 at the 0.0000% level for a two-tailed t-test. This can also not be explained by the general shift in which Democrats were more likely to vote absentee, because the precincts being compared are matched up by location (differing primarily in terms of which side of the county line they lie on) and thus expected to be very similar.
This study goes further and controls for demographic variables, to account for any differences that might still exist. Georgia collects information on registered voters’ racial and gender demographics by precinct. Table 3 accounts for the differences in the adjacent precincts by replacing the change in the in-person difference in Trump’s share of the votes with detailed demographic information. It provides information on the difference between the precincts in the percent of the population that are black males, black females, Hispanic males, Hispanic females, Asian males, and Asian females.Table 4 then not only includes those variables but then also again the “Difference in Trump’s percent of the two-candidate in-person vote.”
Thus, this estimate uses three ways to account for differences in Trump’s share of the absentee ballot vote: geographic closeness for relatively small areas, differences in Trump’s share of the in-person vote, and differences in the demographics registered voters.The results provide consistent estimates that Trump’s percentage of absentee votes was consistently lower in Fulton county border precincts than in the precincts just across the street in neighboring counties. The estimates for the Fulton County effect range from 5.8% to 17.3% and again are all statistically significant. The variables for the race and gender demographics are virtually never statistically significant, though that is not particularly surprising given how highly correlated these variables are. That also makes it difficult to interpret individual coefficients on the demographic variables. However, they are statistically significant as a group (a joint F-test for the demographic variables shown in Tables 3 and 4 finds they have F-values of 4.53 and 4.23, respectively, which are both statistically significant at about the 1 percent level).
This indicates that the demographic values are worth including, and that table 4 is the preferred model. But all models agree that Trump’s absentee ballot share was depressed in Fulton County precincts.Given that there were 145,267 absentee ballots cast for Trump and Biden in Fulton county, even the lowest estimate of the unusual drop off in Trump’s share of the absentee ballots for Fulton county of 5.84 percentage points equals approximately 8,280 votes, or 59% of Biden’s margin of victory over Trump.
There are concerns about vote counting in DeKalb county, but there are no Republican counties adjacent to it for me to use in a test. However, with 128,007 absentee ballots cast for the two major-party candidates in DeKalb, a similar 5.84 percentage point swing for Biden would account for another 7,482 votes. Together this margin in DeKalb and Fulton would more than account for Biden’s winning vote share. Indeed, their total of 15,762 would be larger than Biden’s certified win.
Hate to break it to you but we have no true representation. It's essentially us vs them and they have the high ground.
And the "resistance" is too stupid to realize they are the mewling army for big government and big corporations. What a joke.
They may have the high ground, JMM, but you should let these ******* know my neighbor has followed my sage advice and has a ****-ton of ammo.
Georgia ballots intentionally printed so GOP ballots would get kicked out of machines and need some "hands on" attention
Georgia Ballots Were Printed DIFFERENTLY for GOP Areas vs. DEM Areas
https://www.thegatewaypundit.com/20...gop-counties-vs-dem-counties-election-rigged/
If there's ANYONE out there who truly doesn't believe this election was full on ******* stolen, they're either lying to you, or they're full on ******* sociopathically lying to themselves.
The evidence, the proof is overwhelming. The fact they stole the election is far less worrisome than the fact that they collectively refuse to do anything about it. That should tell you more about the state of our "democracy" than anything.
If there's ANYONE out there who truly doesn't believe this election was full on ******* stolen, they're either lying to you, or they're full on ******* sociopathically lying to themselves.
The evidence, the proof is overwhelming. The fact they stole the election is far less worrisome than the fact that they collectively refuse to do anything about it. That should tell you more about the state of our "democracy" than anything.
I just watched the latest Georgia hearings. I was literally crying i was so angry and sick of the level of deviance involved in this travesty. For the last 2-3 days I've been feeling like I'm missing out on the event of my lifetime. Also, that I am failing Trump by not answering the call to go. He's been able to do things that no other "politician" has accomplished despite running on that very thing. The wall, Jerusalem, peace accords, etc. It is astounding. I looked on map. Pittsburgh is way closer to DC than I am. Is anyone going?
I read where Cruz is on board but I've lost hope that there will be any changes. Personally I think it is more about lip service to attract Trump voters the next time he runs. The fact that the DOJ is not checking into the evidence tells me the fix is in and there is not a damn thing we can do about it. There is really no sense in me voting in VA anymore so I've been seriously considering letting my voter registration lapse. Would be one less opportunity for someone to vote multiple times under my ID (as of last summer, there is no longer voter ID in VA) At least I won't be eligible for jury duty. My mindset will probably change by next November when our esteemed governor who mysteriously got more votes than any governor in VA history and whose opponent was second on the list of most votes in VA history (sound familiar? still not sure how that added up against valid registered voters) but we'll see, maybe there will be some sort of election reform between now and then.